| Description |
1 online resource |
| Series |
Oxford linguistics |
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Oxford linguistics.
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| Contents |
1. Opacity and transparency in vowel harmony -- 1.1. Introduction -- 1.2. Opacity and transparency -- 1.2.1. Fully symmetrical harmony -- 1.2.2. Neutral vowels and how they behave (and a proposal) -- 1.2.3. Confirmation of the HS proposal -- 1.2.4. Other vowel behaviors -- 1.2.5. Perceptual transparency and genuine transparency -- 1.2.6. Potential problems for the HS theory -- 1.2.6.1. Unexpected behavior of neutral [i] and [e] in palatal systems -- 1.2.6.2. Unexpected transparency and opacity: the case of Khalkha (Mongolian) -- 1.2.6.3. Unexpected transparency of [a] in tongue root systems -- 1.2.6.4. Other cases that might be problematic -- 1.2.6.5. Participating consonants -- 1.3. Why locality does not go away -- 1.4. Root control versus dominant-recessive systems -- 1.5. Some general aspects of VH -- 1.5.1. Terminology and typology -- 1.5.2. Mechanisms of VH -- 1.5.3. Rules and/or constraints -- 1.5.4. Harmonic domains -- 1.5.5. Conditions on triggers and targets -- 1.5.6. Directionality -- 1.5.7. Vowel harmony and loanwords -- 1.5.8. Data and methods -- 1.6. Concluding remarks and preview of this book -- 2. RcvP model -- 2.1. Introduction -- 2.2. Synopsis of RcvP -- 2.2.1. Segmental structure in RcvP -- 2.2.2. Syllable structure in RcvP -- 2.2.3. Vowel structures in RcvP -- 2.3. Minimal vowel representations -- 2.3.1. Constraints -- 2.3.2. Successive Division Algorithm -- 2.3.3. problem of normalization -- 2.3.4. Applications -- 2.3.5. example of an argument for different rankings in the Dresher approach -- 2.4. Types of underspecification -- 2.4.1. Underspecification of non-contrastive (predictable) information -- 2.4.1.1. Non-distinctive elements need not be specified -- 2.4.1.2. Non-distinctive headedness need not be specified -- 2.4.1.3. Headedness need not be specified if there is only one element in a gesture -- 2.4.2. Underspecification of contrastive information (radical underspecification) -- 2.4.2.1. In each gesture, one element can be designated as the default option (and be left unspecified) -- 2.4.2.2. If headedness among two elements is contrastive, the headedness specification of one of the two combinations can be left unspecified (i.e. the default option) |
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2.5. Underspecification and the variable notation -- 2.6. Markedness -- 2.7. Enhancement -- 2.8. Articulatory and acoustic correlates of elements -- 2.9. Alternatives for the expression of ATR -- 2.10. Concluding remarks -- 3. Harmony as licensing -- 3.1. Introduction -- 3.2. Licensing and lexical representations -- 3.2.1. Lateral licensing -- 3.2.2. Internal and external harmony -- 3.3. Dominant-recessive harmony -- 3.4. Morpheme-internal harmony and directionality -- 3.5. Cyclicity -- 3.6. Back to transparency and opacity -- 3.6.1. van der Hulst and Smith (1986) theory -- 3.6.2. Adapting the HS theory to the licensing model -- 3.6.2.1. Opacity in the licensing model -- 3.6.2.2. Transparency in the licensing model -- 3.6.2.3. Idiosyncratic neutralization -- 3.6.2.4. Unexpected transparency and opacity -- 3.6.2.5. Summary -- 3.7. Why the variable approach is better than the abstract approach -- 3.8. Conditions on triggers and targets -- 3.9. Skewed harmonic counterparts -- 3.10. Concluding remarks -- 4. Palatal harmony -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.2. behavior of neutral vowels in Balto-Finnic languages -- 4.2.1. Finnish -- 4.2.1.1. basic data and analysis -- 4.2.1.2. Additional relevant data -- 4.2.2. Other behaviors of front neutral vowels -- 4.2.3. Previous accounts of the four-way typology -- 4.2.3.1. van der Hulst (2015a) and a reply to Rebrus and Torkenczy (2015a, b) -- 4.2.3.2. Polgardi (2015) -- 4.3. Three other Finnic languages -- 4.3.1. Votic -- 4.3.1.1. Neutral [o] -- 4.3.1.2. Front and back /l/ -- 4.3.2. Khanty -- 4.3.3. Seto -- 4.4. Hungarian -- 4.4.1. basic data and analysis -- 4.4.2. Anti-harmonic neutral roots -- 4.4.3. Disharmonic roots -- 4.4.4. Non-alternating suffixes -- 4.4.5. On harmony "that cannot be represented" -- 4.4.5.1. count effect -- 4.4.5.2. Polysyllabic split -- 4.4.5.3. Truncation -- 4.4.5.4. Harmonic uniformity -- 4.4.5.5. transparency hierarchy -- 4.4.5.6. How transparent vowels do not behave and why -- 4.4.6. Labial harmony -- 4.4.7. Concluding remarks -- 4.5. Other cases of palatal harmony -- 4.6. Concluding remarks -- 5. Labial harmony -- 5.1. Introduction -- 5.2. Standard Turkish -- 5.2.1. basic pattern -- 5.2.2. Irregular suffixes -- 5.2.3. Harmonizing epenthetic vowels -- 5.2.4. Disharmonic roots -- 5.2.5. Consonants and harmony -- 5.2.5.1. palatal lateral -- 5.2.5.2. Front suffixes after non-palatal consonants -- 5.2.5.3. Labial attraction -- 5.2.6. Conclusions -- 5.3. typology of labial harmony -- 5.3.1. Logical combinations of palatal and labial harmony -- 5.3.2. Defective patterns in labial harmony -- 5.3.3. Generalizations -- 5.3.4. interdependency between labial harmony and palatal harmony -- 5.3.5. Defective patterns in palatal harmony -- 5.3.6. Conclusions -- 5.4. Three other Turkic languages -- 5.4.1. Diphthongs in Yakut -- 5.4.2. Bashkir -- 5.4.3. Azerbaijani suffixes -- 5.5. Yowlumne -- 5.6. Harmony by non-licensing -- 5.7. catalog of dependencies -- 5.8. Concluding remarks -- 6. Aperture harmony -- 6.1. Introduction -- 6.2. Preliminary considerations -- 6.3. Lowering and raising harmony in Bantu languages -- 6.3.1. Lowering -- 6.3.1.1. Typological generalizations -- 6.3.1.2. Kikuyu -- 6.3.1.3. Complete aperture harmony: Kimatuumbi -- 6.3.1.4. Esimbi -- 6.3.1.5. Shona -- 6.3.2. Raising -- 6.3.2.1. Nzebi -- 6.3.2.2. Kinande -- 6.3.2.3. Zulu -- 6.3.2.4. Bantu -- 6.3.2.5. Additional cases of 'raising' -- 6.3.3. Conclusions -- 6.4. Lhasa Tibetan -- 6.5. Farsi -- 6.6. Raising and lowering in Romance languages -- 6.6.1. Raising and lowering in Pasiego Spanish -- 6.6.2. Metaphony in Italian dialects -- 6.6.2.1. Representative examples -- 6.6.2.2. Formal analysis -- 6.6.3. Discussion and conclusions -- 6.7. Concluding remarks -- 7. Typology of African tongue root systems -- 7.1. Introduction -- 7.2. General aspects -- 7.2.1. Asymmetries in TR systems -- 7.2.2. Markedness paradoxes involving [ATR] -- 7.2.3. parallel -- 7.2.4. Toward an explanatory account -- 7.2.5. Patterns of merger -- 7.2.6. Opacity and transparency -- 7.2.6.1. 1H systems: Bantu C -- 7.2.6.2. Summary -- 7.3. Concluding remarks -- 8. Case studies of African tongue root systems -- 8.1. Introduction -- 8.2. Niger-Congo -- 8.2.1. Wolof (Atlantic) -- 8.2.2. Okpe (Kwa) -- 8.2.3. Ogori (Kwa) -- 8.2.4. C'Lela (Benue-Congo; Non-Bantu, Kainji) -- 8.2.5. Tunen (Benue-Congo; Bantu) -- 8.2.6. Yoruba (Benue-Congo; Bantu) -- 8.2.6.1. Standard Yoruba in Radical Underspecification Theory using active [-ATR] -- 8.2.6.2. analysis with active [+ATR] -- 8.2.6.3. Standard Yoruba in RcvP -- 8.2.6.4. Ijesa/Ekiti Yoruba -- 8.2.6.5. Ife Yoruba -- 8.3. Nilo-Saharan -- 8.3.1. Maasai (Eastern Sudanic) -- 8.3.2. Turkana (Eastern Sudanic) -- 8.3.3. Bari (Eastern Sudanic) -- 8.3.4. Lango (Western Sudanic) -- 8.3.5. Moru-Madi (Central Sudanic) -- 8.4. Afro-Asiatic -- 8.4.1. Somali (Cushitic) -- 8.4.2. Kera (Chadic) -- 8.5. Concluding remarks -- 9. Asian tongue root systems -- 9.1. Introduction -- 9.2. 'ATR' or 'RTR'? -- 9.3. Tungusic languages -- 9.3.1. Southwest Tungusic: Classical Manchu and its descendants -- 9.3.2. Southeast Tungusic -- 9.3.3. Northern Tungusic -- 9.3.4. Concluding remarks about Tungusic languages -- 9.4. Mongolian languages -- 9.4.1. Type I: Khalkha, Shuluun Hoh -- 9.4.2. Type II-IV languages -- 9.5. Concluding remarks -- 10. Other cases of vowel harmony -- 10.1. Introduction -- 10.2. Other Asian systems -- 10.2.1. Middle Korean -- 10.2.2. Chukchi -- 10.3. North American systems -- 10.3.1. Nez Perce -- 10.3.2. Coeur d'Alene -- 10.3.3. Menomini -- 10.4. South American systems: Karaja -- 10.5. Australian systems -- 10.5.1. Djingili -- 10.5.2. Warlpiri -- 10.5.3. Nuangumardu -- 10.6. Austronesian languages -- 10.6.1. Kimaragang -- 10.6.2. Javanese -- 10.7. Arabic systems -- 10.7.1. Maltese -- 10.7.2. Palestinian Arabic -- 10.7.3. Tigre -- 10.8. Indian systems -- 10.8.1. Assamese -- 10.8.2. Telugu -- 10.9. Laxing harmony in Romance -- 10.9.1. Andalusian Spanish -- 10.9.2. Pasiego Spanish -- 10.9.3. Canadian French -- 10.10. Stress-induced harmony -- 10.10.1. Umlaut in Germanic -- 10.10.2. Chamorro -- 10.11. Retroflex harmony -- 10.12. Nasal harmony -- 10.13. Vowel harmony in ancient languages: Sumerian -- 10.14. Concluding remarks -- 11. Summary and areas for further research -- 11.1. Introduction -- 11.2. Summary of the theory -- 11.3. System dependency -- 11.4. general framework for opacity and transparency -- 11.5. Dependencies among tiers -- 11.6. Conclusions to this book |
| Summary |
This book deals with the phenomenon of vowel harmony, a phonological process whereby all the vowels in a word are required to share a specific phonological property. Harry van der Hulst puts forward a new theory of vowel harmony, which accounts for the patterns of and exceptions to this phenomenon in the widest range of languages ever considered |
| Bibliography |
Includes bibliographical references and index |
| Notes |
Online resource; title from PDF title page (EBSCO, viewed August 21, 2018) |
| Subject |
Grammar, Comparative and general -- Vowel harmony.
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LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES -- Linguistics -- Phonetics & Phonology.
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Grammar, Comparative and general -- Vowel harmony
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| Form |
Electronic book
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| Author |
Weijer, Jeroen Maarten van de, 1965- contributor.
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| ISBN |
9780192543066 |
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0192543067 |
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9780191851407 |
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019185140X |
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